OSCE Helsinki+50 Conference

OSCE Conference Helsinki+50
31 July 2025

In 1975, the leaders of 35 countries gathered in Helsinki and signed the Helsinki Final Act — a declaration of peace and cooperation, of security and the inviolability of borders, of a commitment to diplomacy and respect for human rights.

Fifty years later, leaders gathered in Helsinki once again — this time from 57 participating States and 11 partner countries. However, the majority of the invited attendees at this conference were representatives of civil society. We were honored to take part in this summit alongside other organizations.

We can confidently state that the conference was held at a high and dignified level.

Speakers spoke openly about the pressing issues of our time, about the current state of affairs — honestly and courageously. Topics included security and the future, the war of aggression launched by Russia against Ukraine, conflicts in other regions, environmental issues and climate change, and the fundamental — yet sadly violated — rights of human beings.

Finland’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Elina Valtonen said in her opening speech:

“We are facing three urgent tasks:


First, we must stand with Ukraine and hold Russia accountable for its war of aggression. The abducted children must be returned. War crimes must be thoroughly documented. Perpetrators must face justice. The war must end. This is the foundation of the Helsinki principles we all uphold.



Second, we must reform the OSCE to ensure efficient and timely decision-making. For example, it is unacceptable that the organization has been operating without an approved budget since 2021. Without reforms, the OSCE cannot fulfill its role.



Third, we must support the foundation of this organization: shared commitments, open dialogue, and the voice of civil society — the lifeblood of democracy. Authoritarian regimes fear that voice, which is why they silence the media, dismantle institutions, and repress activists. When freedoms disappear, so do human rights, democracy, and the rule of law.”

It is important to note that on that very day, 31 July, Russia carried out yet another massive strike on Ukraine, including Kyiv. As a result, 31 people were killed, 6 of them children. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky began his speech with this tragic news. And Zelensky was the only person at the entire conference who explicitly used the words "regime change”:

“If the world doesn’t aim to change the regime in Russia, it means even after the war ends, Moscow will still try to destabilize neighboring countries.”

Zelensky also called not only for the freezing but for the confiscation of Russian corrupt assets, so they can be used both to counter Russian aggression and to build peace.

UK Minister for Europe, North America, and Overseas Territories Stephen Doughty, in one of the panel discussions, emphasized the need to recognize what Russia is doing to destabilize democracy and society in OSCE countries.

Another panel was dedicated to the role of civil society — a theme that came up repeatedly throughout the conference.

Perhaps the most powerful statement came from Alexandra Matviychuk, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and head of the Ukrainian Center for Civil Liberties:

“When entire international organizations urgently evacuated all their personnel after the full-scale invasion began, ordinary people remained behind. They became volunteers and started saving others. Ordinary people have the strength to act — and they act.”


“Ordinary people have much greater power than they can even imagine. We have to make a shift from state-centric security to human security, because global security starts from human security.”


She also noted: “The attack against truth is probably one of the main challenges for current democracies,”because what truly matters is facts, truth, and freedom.

The conference also featured the participation of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, leader of the Belarusian democratic opposition, as well as representatives of various human rights initiatives, including from Russia. They took part in side events, speaking about the scale of repression and the crucial role of civil society in resisting totalitarian regimes.

Federico Borello, Acting Executive Director of Human Rights Watch, remarked in his opening speech:

“The Kremlin’s pressure on critical voices inside Russia has never been fiercer than today.”

Czech dissident Martin Palouš, board member of the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes, responded to a question during another panel about how he envisions the OSCE in 20 years:

“I hope that in 20 years from now, Russia will be back in the system. I’m not supporting Putin’s regime at all, but I’m supporting another Russia — because there are other Russians, just like we had chartists in our time, trying to find their place at the international table.”

At the conclusion of the summit, Minister Elina Valtonen shared the following takeaways:

1. We need a vision, and we must begin building OSCE 2.0;
2. We must involve everyone in this discussion. Civil society representatives are, in many ways, vital partners to governments — they help shape policy and action, and serve as a driving force for social change;
3. We need resources to bring the vision to life;

She also announced the launch of the “Helsinki+50 Fund” — “a new initiative aimed at improving the use of voluntary funding for the OSCE to carry out its mandate, based on shared principles and commitments.”

All of this, in one way or another, gives hope for positive change.

We would also like to highlight one more point. According to the OSCE’s mandate, the organization’s primary mission is conflict prevention and crisis management.

Panel moderator and journalist Stephen Sackur, referring to remarks by OSCE Secretary General H.E. Feridun H. Sinirlioğlu (“Talk without listening and engaging is never enough. We need honest discussion about what has gone wrong over 50 years.”), added:

“We have war now. And we have to be realistic and talk about where we are now — and accept that in recent years things have gone badly wrong.”

Ukrainian Deputy Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha pushed the discussion toward a needed level by speaking of collective responsibility and calling for a collective enforcement of rules (e.g. through strengthened sanctions):

“It’s important to provide the OSCE with the capacity to properly react in advance, to have the capacity to prevent something.”

We would like to dwell further on this notion of responsibility — and the ability to recognize and prevent dangerous and crisis situations in time.

President of Finland Alexander Stubb, in his speech, reminded us of when the first warnings were sounded and when things began to go wrong — in 2008, with Russia’s invasion of Georgia.

Before that — let us also remind you — there was the Chechen war, and also human rights violations, which are now being discussed so widely. In 2006, Anna Politkovskaya was murdered. Finnish society reacted strongly at the time — many remember the protests in Finland and the demonstrations organized during Putin’s visit.

After that came other journalist murders, the occupation of Crimea, the murder of Boris Nemtsov, massive election fraud, crackdowns on protests, and repression.

The Russian opposition has existed for many years and has long tried to warn Western countries that we are all living in dangerous conditions — and that, sooner or later, it could end in catastrophe.

We have been urging, for a long time, to cut off contacts with the Kremlin, stop doing business with official Russian representatives, refuse visas and citizenships for Putin’s oligarchs, and reject corrupt Russian money in the West.

As early as the 2000s, research was being written at the University of Helsinki, for example, on kickbacks and corruption (see Markku Lonkila). But these warnings were not heeded. Traditional diplomacy and “business as usual” continued. And with it, the continued legitimization of Putin and Kremlin power — both in the eyes of Russians and the world.

Many people know — it’s no secret — that huge sums of Russian money were also funneled into Ukraine to serve the Kremlin’s interests and destabilize the situation.

Our deep concern is that neither European countries nor the U.S. dare to openly support the main goal of Russian democratic forces — regime change in Russia (as President Zelensky said in his speech). And we fear that even now, in 2025, there is a risk of a return to “business as usual.”

We still want to hope that this won’t happen — and that, most importantly, maximum support for Ukraine, its independence, and statehood will continue.

Why are we saying all this? To return to the same question: collective responsibility and preventing global crises.

That is why we, the Russian democratic forces, are calling for an honest dialogue with Western partners and the search for joint solutions for our shared security.

Foto: Emilia Kangasluoma / MFAFinland

Foto: Markku Pajunen / MFAFinland

Foto: Eija Palosuo / MFAFinland

31.7.2025, Helsinki

#osce25fi #OSCE #helsinki50